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Saturday, December 13, 2025

‘SONNY SPURS LEGEND’: Tottenham Unveils Massive Mural Ahead of Son Heung-min’s Goodbye

releasing images of the large Son Heung-min mural in London.

The large mural of “legend” Son Heung-min (33, Los Angeles FC) that awaits him on his visit to his former club Tottenham has finally been unveiled.

The British outlet The Spurs Web reported on the 10th (Korea time) that “the mural of Son Heung-min painted on Tottenham High Road has been completed,” releasing images of the large Son Heung-min mural in London.

The mural features the phrase “SONNY SPURS LEGEND,” symbolizing Son Heung-min as a Tottenham legend, along with an image of him in a Tottenham shirt performing his signature “camera-click” celebration. It also shows the back view of captain Son Heung-min lifting the trophy with the Korean flag wrapped around his waist after winning the UEFA Europa League in Bilbao, Spain, last season.

The Spurs Web highlighted that “Son Heung-min, a South Korea international, devoted most of his brilliant career to Tottenham. During the ten years he spent at the club’s home ground, he created memories that will remain forever in the hearts of countless fans.”

The report continued, “Because his transfer was confirmed during the preseason tour, there was no real chance for a proper farewell. Now many fans are expected to head to Tottenham Hotspur Stadium to say their final goodbyes.”

Having completed the 2025 season with his club LAFC and entered the offseason, Son Heung-min is scheduled to visit the Tottenham Hotspur Stadium in London on the day of the 2025–2026 UEFA Champions League league-phase matchday 6 against Slavia Praha (Czech Republic) to bid farewell to Tottenham fans.

Son Heung-min had declared during a preseason tour press conference in Korea last August that he would be leaving Tottenham. After playing a farewell match for the club in Korea, he immediately flew to the United States to complete his move to LAFC, which meant he did not have a proper opportunity to say goodbye to Spurs fans.

Regretting that he had to leave without greeting the supporters, Son Heung-min decided, once the season was over, to personally travel to London to share one last farewell with the Tottenham fanbase.

In response to news of his visit, Tottenham, in cooperation with the club’s Fan Advisory Board, honored the club legend Son Heung-min with a “giant mural.” Only three Tottenham players have been commemorated with such large murals: Ledley King, Harry Kane, and Son Heung-min.

Monday, December 8, 2025

South Korea’s Nuri Rocket Completes Fourth Successful Flight

the rocket lifted off at 1:13:00 a.m. on the 27th from the Naro Space Center in Goheung, South Jeolla Province.


South Korea’s homegrown space launch vehicle Nuri (KSLV-II) has successfully completed its fourth launch, with the government saying it plans two more launches by 2027. The milestone drew strong public interest and support, underscoring South Korea’s steady progress toward securing independent space transportation capability.


The Korea Aerospace Administration and the Korea Aerospace Research Institute (KARI) said the rocket lifted off at 1:13:00 a.m. on the 27th from the Naro Space Center in Goheung, South Jeolla Province. At around 1:55 a.m., Next-Generation Mid-Sized Satellite 3 made its first contact with the ground station at King Sejong Station in Antarctica, confirming that key satellite systems—including solar panel deployment—were functioning normally.


Of the 12 secondary payload satellites, five have completed communications with ground stations. Some of the remaining seven are expected to attempt first contact. For satellites that have not yet been reached, additional communication attempts will continue according to the planned schedule.


The launch is particularly notable because Hanwha Aerospace, the prime system integration company, oversaw the rocket’s manufacturing and assembly and participated in launch operations led by KARI. The success therefore highlights the significance of a public-private partnership in preparing and executing the mission.


KARI’s initial analysis of remotely received telemetry (flight data transmitted from the rocket) confirmed that Nuri successfully separated and deployed Next-Generation Mid-Sized Satellite 3 and 12 CubeSats into the target 600-kilometer orbit. The rocket then proceeded through its preplanned flight sequence with all stages operating normally.


The first-, second-, and third-stage engine burns, as well as fairing separation (the jettison of the protective nose cone), were all carried out as planned, culminating in the successful deployment of the primary and secondary payloads.


After achieving stable insertion into the target orbit, Next-Generation Mid-Sized Satellite 3 conducted its first two-way communication at around 1:55 a.m. with the Antarctic ground station. It later established additional contact at around 2:48 a.m. via KARI’s ground antenna in Daejeon. To date, the satellite has conducted two two-way communications with KARI ground stations and 12 with overseas ground stations.


During these contacts, engineers verified the functions of the satellite’s main components. Further communications with KARI’s Daejeon station and others are planned to downlink detailed status data and conduct more precise system checks.


Following an initial two-month early operations phase for payload inspection and mission readiness, the satellite is expected to begin full-scale space science operations for about one year in a sun-synchronous orbit (an orbit that passes over the same part of Earth at roughly the same local solar time), circling Earth approximately 15 times per day.


With this consecutive success following Nuri’s second and third launches, the program’s overall reliability has been further strengthened. The achievement also reaffirms that South Korea has secured an independent space transportation capability and enhanced its self-reliant national space development capacity.


Yoon Young-bin, Administrator of the Korea Aerospace Administration, said the government plans to conduct two more Nuri launches by 2027 while also pushing ahead with development of a next-generation launch vehicle with improved performance. He expressed gratitude to the public for its support and to KARI and industry partners for their dedication and effort behind the fourth launch.


He added that the successful mission is expected to provide 13 satellites with opportunities to validate their performance through actual space operations, contributing to strengthening the nation’s satellite industry capabilities. He emphasized that the administration will make thorough preparations to ensure the fifth and sixth launches proceed successfully and provide timely in-orbit verification opportunities for planned payloads.


Sunday, December 7, 2025

Standing Special Counsel Begins 90-Day Probe Into Sealed Cash-Banderole Loss and Coupang Non-Indictment Pressure Claims


 Standing special counsel Ahn Kwon-seop has opened a dual investigation into two politically sensitive prosecutorial controversies: allegations that banderoles and stickers from sealed Bank of Korea cash bundles were deliberately lost, and claims of undue pressure to drop prosecution in a Coupang Fulfillment Services (CFS) severance-pay case. The standing special counsel system is a Korea-specific mechanism that allows the justice minister to trigger an independent investigative team for designated cases, with a legally capped probe period and a structure that includes assistant special counsels, seconded prosecutors, and special investigators.


At a plaque-hanging ceremony on December 6 at the special counsel’s office in Seoul’s Seocho-gu, Ahn said he felt a “heavy responsibility” and would work to establish the facts from an objective standpoint, adding that he would reach an appropriate decision based on the findings. He also said both cases would be investigated with equal weight, rejecting any hierarchy of priority.


The first case centers on allegations that the Seoul Southern District Prosecutors’ Office intentionally lost banderoles and stickers attached to sealed Bank of Korea cash bundles seized in December last year from the home of Jeon Seong-bae, known as the “Geonjin shaman.” The Supreme Prosecutors’ Office previously concluded, after an internal inspection, that the incident was a working-level mistake and found no evidence of intent or instructions from senior officials.


The second case involves claims that former Bucheon branch chief prosecutor Um Hee-jun and others pressured officials to issue a non-prosecution decision in an unpaid severance-pay case involving CFS, Coupang’s logistics subsidiary. The prosecutor who handled the case, Moon Ji-seok, testified at a National Assembly audit in October that “guidelines for a no-charges conclusion were conveyed,” alleging direct pressure from top local prosecutors at the time.


Under the law, the investigation can run for 60 days and be extended once by 30 days with presidential approval, for a maximum of 90 days. Ahn has appointed two assistant special counsels and assembled a team of nearly 70 investigators, including seconded prosecutors and special investigators.


Um’s side has pushed back, asking the standing special counsel to investigate Moon for false accusation. Um’s representatives argue that Moon is attempting to deflect scrutiny over allegations that he conducted a search and seizure without following pre-reporting rules, and that his claims of external pressure are unfounded.


For overseas observers, the core question is not only which account proves credible, but whether the standing special counsel’s probe will reaffirm the earlier internal conclusion in the Bank of Korea cash-banderole case and clarify the factual basis of alleged prosecutorial interference in the Coupang investigation. The outcome is likely to shape public confidence in prosecutorial accountability and the perceived independence of Korea’s high-profile investigative mechanisms.

Sunday, November 30, 2025

Multinational Seafood: How Climate Change Is Rewriting Korea’s Dinner Table


Seafood on our dining tables is becoming increasingly “multinational.”

Global abnormal climate phenomena are changing marine ecosystems, and with that, the main species caught in each fishing ground are also shifting. To cope with price fluctuations caused by changes in national catch volumes, large supermarkets and restaurant chains are diversifying both their import countries and the species they source. Norway, once known almost exclusively for mackerel, is now sending us rockfish, and cutlassfish is being imported all the way from Oman, where the fishing methods are similar to those in Jeju.


Of course, this is not an issue unique to Korea. In Japan, which we tend to think of as a “seafood superpower,” Japanese mackerel has become just as hard to find as Korean mackerel is here. So the old expectation that “if I go to Japan, I’ll be able to eat really fresh seafood caught just off the Japanese coast” no longer really holds true. On top of that, isn’t there always the concern about possible “radioactive contamination” of Japanese seafood? In that sense, the idea that “even in Japan, they’re importing and eating foreign seafood” might actually sound like welcome news.


So, where are you from?


As domestic mackerel prices surged, even Norwegian mackerel – once considered a good substitute – went into short supply, and Norwegian rockfish has stepped in to fill the gap. As of last October, domestic mackerel was selling at 12,131 won, 16.8% above the average price. Larger and cheaper Norwegian mackerel was being imported, but as sea temperatures in nearby Norwegian waters rose sharply, the mackerel catch in September fell 70% year-on-year. With catches dropping, distributors turned instead to importing rockfish. GS, which has been selling “trimmed rockfish fillets” since 2018, began selling “boneless rockfish fillets” last month as well.


To stabilize domestic seafood prices affected by changes in the marine ecosystem, overseas substitute species are also becoming more diverse. E-Land’s Kim’s Club began importing cutlassfish caught in the Arabian Sea near Oman in response to declining catches and rising prices of Jeju cutlassfish. Cutlassfish from Senegal or Morocco are already distributed in Korea, but because they are caught using large-scale trawl or net fishing, they often arrive with many physical injuries. Kim’s Club instead chose Omani cutlassfish, which are line-caught (the chaenak method, similar to Jeju’s hook-and-line fishing), as a substitute. To secure overseas ingredients more reliably, E-Land even established a direct-import subsidiary, E-Land Farm & Food.


As squid catches in the East Sea fluctuated wildly and prices spiked, squid even earned the nickname “golden squid.” In response, E-mart increased its imports of frozen Argentine squid by 50% compared to the previous year. Demand for relatively inexpensive Argentine squid has grown, and sales from January to October this year rose 43% year-on-year.


Sashimi is now also being made from fish caught overseas. Ahead of the holiday season, when prices for popular sashimi fish such as flounder and rockfish soared, Lotte Mart began selling Danish kingfish as sashimi-grade fish in June. Kingfish, known in Korea as bushiri, is considered familiar to Korean palates because its shape and flavor are similar to tuna.


Our seas under the influence of climate change


It is not only imported seafood that is changing what appears on our tables. Fish that used to appear only in certain seasons are suddenly being caught in huge numbers out of season, and species never before seen near our coasts are now showing up along the shoreline.


Common octopus, which normally disappears into deeper waters once winter arrives, recently saw an unusually large haul in November – the start of winter – in places like Gunsan in North Jeolla Province. Warmer-than-usual weather boosted catches. Lotte Mart explained, “When domestic octopus catches are low, we increase imports of Thai octopus by about 20%, and when domestic supply is plentiful, we expand domestic purchasing to help stabilize prices.”


Tuna, once thought to be available only through distant-water fishing, has been following warmer currents northward into the East Sea. As a result, consumers can now enjoy fresh domestic tuna instead of imported frozen tuna. Bongasushi, a sushi chain operated by Hyundai Green Food, used to serve sushi made from frozen tuna caught by distant-water fishing vessels and flash-frozen at sea. Now, it serves sushi made with fresh tuna caught in the East Sea. By avoiding the logistics costs of importing frozen tuna from distant waters, the company can offer tuna sushi at about 70% of the price of imported tuna. It certainly seems that climate change is reshaping our marine ecosystem.

Tuesday, November 11, 2025

The Blaze of Buldak and the Return of “Samyang Ramen 1963”

 

“Had I known, I would’ve bought more Samyang stock”

Buldak-bokkeum-myeon’s overseas surge has put Samyang Foods on a new trajectory. In 2024, Samyang’s overseas sales jumped 65% year-on-year to KRW 1.34 trillion, with exports accounting for 77% of total revenue. As global demand translated into earnings, the share price flirted with the so-called “emperor-stock” club. In May 2025 it broke through KRW 1 million intraday, with reports of an all-time high around KRW 1.23 million in the same month. The company’s market cap hovered in the KRW 7 trillion range that spring.

Underpinning this ascent is Buldak’s “export-native” profile. Challenge culture amplified by TikTok and YouTube, the maturing of K-food distribution channels, and strong local partnerships effectively redefined Samyang as an export-driven ramen company. Its spicy portfolio expanded across the U.S., Europe, and Southeast Asia, while brand collaborations and localized products scored back-to-back hits—prompting the market to price in a growth-stock story. The simple proposition—“Buldak pulls, exports push”—was borne out by the numbers.

Then, in November 2025, Samyang played a meaningful card: Samyang Ramen 1963. It’s a remake of Korea’s first instant ramen, updated to today’s hygiene and process standards. The beef-tallow (uji) fried flavor that stalled 36 years ago amid the “uji scandal” has been revived, now rendered with a “golden blend” of animal and vegetable oils to suit modern tastes. This is not mere nostalgia but a modernization of heritage. A single packet returns to the checkout counter carrying layers of corporate history, consumer culture, and even judicial judgment.



I welcome this comeback. There was a long lag between the moral panic of 1989 and the Supreme Court’s acquittal in 1997. The law reached its conclusion, but the market and public sentiment recovered much more slowly. “1963” is a symbolic event that helps close that gap. The company has faced its old wounds head-on, and consumers are ready to judge with information and taste. The return of a simple packet of ramen, without exaggeration, marks the maturing of both industry and consumption.

From an investor’s angle, the story is just as intriguing. As the export pivot became visible in 2024–2025, the market had already priced in a “Buldak premium.” The intraday break above KRW 1 million, the KRW 1.23 million peak, and a KRW 7 trillion market cap were compressed expressions of that expectation. Layer on a heritage reboot like “1963,” and the brand gains breadth while the value chain gains depth. Expanding the premium lineup, story-driven limited editions, and collaborations connecting gastronomy and culture should add real muscle to the growth narrative. Of course, share prices always fluctuate. The next checkpoints are whether the story converts into earnings and cash flow, and whether overseas subsidiaries, distribution, and cost structure support it.

the uproars of Samyang Ramen Stcok

The conclusion is simple: Buldak opened the future, and “1963” summoned the past. Where those two axes meet, Samyang’s brand grows sturdier. And one honest confession: If I’d known this ramen was coming, I would’ve loaded up on Samyang stock.

Saturday, November 8, 2025

Was Kim Ki-hyun’s People Power Party leadership bought with a bribe to Kim Keon-hee?


Earlier on the 6th, the special counsel’s team conducted a search and seizure at Acro Vista, the residence of Ms. Kim in Seocho-gu, Seoul, where they reportedly found a Roger Vivier handbag together with a memo and letters bearing the name of Rep. Kim’s wife. The team then obtained a new search-and-seizure warrant from the court and seized the bag(s). Investigators had previously searched Acro Vista on the suspicion that Ms. Cho, the wife of the CEO of an interior firm called 21gram, delivered Christian Dior products to Ms. Kim and subsequently won the contract for renovation work at the presidential residence; in the course of that search, they also secured the Roger Vivier handbag.

The special counsel’s team confirmed that the item was priced in the low 1-million-won range. Under the Improper Solicitation and Graft Act, anyone who provides property worth 1 million won or more to the spouse of a public official in connection with the official’s duties is subject to criminal penalties. The team is said to have identified both Rep. Kim’s wife and Ms. Kim as criminal suspects and obtained the search warrant on suspicion of violating the anti-graft law.

A letter from Rep. Kim’s wife, found together with the Roger Vivier bag, included language along the lines of “Thank you for helping with the party leader election,” along with the date it was written. The date on the letter was March 17, 2023—nine days after former lawmaker Kim was elected party leader at the national convention. Regarding allegations that his wife handed a Roger Vivier bag to First Lady Kim Keon-hee as a gesture of thanks for his election as People Power Party leader, Rep. Kim Ki-hyun said on the 8th that “my spouse did give a gift.”

Issuing a statement that day, Rep. Kim said: “My wife tells me that after I was elected party leader at the People Power Party’s March 2023 convention, she gave one clutch bag to First Lady Kim Keon-hee.” He added, “As the spouse of the newly elected ruling-party leader, she offered a gift to the president’s wife as a matter of social courtesy, and enclosed a memo with brief well-wishing remarks out of the belief that smooth cooperation between the ruling-party leader and the president would be necessary.”

Rep. Kim continued: “Neither I, already elected as ruling-party leader, nor my wife had anything to ask of President Yoon and his wife, nor any reason to do so. The gift to the First Lady was nothing more or less than a private, courteous greeting between spouses.” He went on: “I hope the special counsel, having achieved little and now facing public criticism over Special Counsel Min Joong-ki’s own stock-investment fraud controversy, is not engaging in media play to divert attention. I also respectfully ask members of the press not to report speculation without fact-checking as if there were criminal suspicions.”

That day, the special counsel additionally indicted Ms. Kim and Unification Church (Family Federation for World Peace and Unification) leader Han Hak-ja on charges of violating the Political Parties Act for allegedly organizing the mass enrollment of Unification Church members into the People Power Party ahead of the March 2023 convention, viewing this as a way Ms. Kim received help for Rep. Kim’s victory. Investigators say Ms. Kim requested support for the convention through the shaman Jeon Seong-bae (known as “Geonjin”), initially backing Rep. Kweon Seong-dong for party leader and, after Rep. Kweon withdrew, fielding Rep. Kim as a substitute representing the so-called “pro-Yoon” (윤핵관) faction. The special counsel is investigating whether the luxury handbag was delivered as consideration for electoral support given to Rep. Kim.

Ms. Kim’s defense team, however, strongly protested that seizing the Roger Vivier bag on the basis of a newly issued warrant during a search ostensibly tied to the Hannam-dong presidential residence relocation probe constituted an unlawful “separate-case” investigation.


Related reporting to complement the details (as of Nov 8, 2025, KST)

  • On Nov 6, the special counsel raided Acro Vista and offices linked to 21gram, saying they were probing whether Dior items were provided while the firm sought the presidential-residence interior contract; during this process, they located a Roger Vivier clutch together with a letter attributed to Rep. Kim Ki-hyun’s wife and then obtained an additional warrant to seize it. 경향신문+1

  • Multiple outlets report that the memo thanked the recipient for helping Rep. Kim win the party leadership; some specify that the special counsel is examining whether the bag was given after the March 8, 2023 convention and cite the letter date as March 17, 2023. v.daum.net+2경향신문+2

  • Rep. Kim Ki-hyun publicly acknowledged on Nov 8 that his wife gifted one Roger Vivier clutch to First Lady Kim as a matter of “social courtesy,” denying any quid-pro-quo intent; reports also note the bag’s price was in roughly the 1-million-won range. Nate News+1

  • The same week, the special counsel additionally indicted Kim Keon-hee and Han Hak-ja over alleged mass enrollment of Unification Church members into the People Power Party ahead of the March 2023 leadership race, tied by investigators to efforts to sway the outcome. 조선일보+1

  • Kim’s legal team has pushed back on aspects of the seizures (including the luxury-goods seizures connected to the 21gram line of inquiry), framing them as unlawful “separate-case” measures; related coverage includes defense objections and even a request for forensic testing tied to other alleged gifts. 

Thursday, November 6, 2025

Lee Joon-su Vanishes After Raid as Special Counsel Probes Alleged Stock Manipulation


The special counsel has booked Lee Joon-su (hereafter “Mr. Lee”) as a co-conspirator in the Deutsche Motors stock-manipulation case and, last month, conducted a search and seizure at his residence in Yongsan-gu, Seoul. However, Mr. Lee jumped from the second-floor veranda at the time and fled; his whereabouts remain unknown.

Mr. Lee is known to have exchanged hundreds of messages with First Lady Kim Keon-hee. He had been identified as part of the manipulation ring during the earlier prosecution’s Deutsche Motors investigation but was not indicted due to a lack of direct trading evidence. During its current investigation, the special counsel is said to have newly detected indications that Mr. Lee participated in trading through borrowed-name (straw) accounts. At the time, Mr. Lee was also wanted by police on drunk-driving charges. The special counsel’s team reportedly spotted him during the raid and requested that he be arrested, but he leapt and fled moments before police arrived.

Mr. Lee has long been cited as closely connected to the First Lady’s financial transactions. In particular, during the 2022 presidential election, Rep. Kim Eui-gyeom alleged that in April 2010 Mrs. Kim bought a large volume of Taekwang E&C shares amid sharp price swings and sold them the next day for a profit exceeding ₩10 million, raising suspicion of trading on material non-public information. The individual who effectively took over Taekwang E&C, pumped up the stock price, and was later convicted of embezzling company funds was precisely Mr. Lee Joon-su. This has reignited suspicions that Mrs. Kim may have bought and sold shares using non-public information provided by Mr. Lee.



The First Lady’s side has rebutted these claims, stating that while Mr. Lee may have contacted her unilaterally about investments, Mrs. Kim has never used non-public information and is not closely connected to him. They also denied that the two exchanged messages as recently as last year.

Dubbed the “third man” in the Deutsche Motors case and known as a former securities-firm analyst, Mr. Lee has long faced allegations that he coordinated price manipulation while simultaneously managing multiple investor accounts. There was internal testimony that he personally executed withdrawal orders from Mrs. Kim’s account. However, prosecutors did not indict him at the time, prompting criticism of a “soft-pedaled” investigation.

Mr. Lee has re-emerged following the disclosure of the First Lady’s mobile phone, because portions of her text and call logs reportedly overlap with individuals previously linked to stock manipulation. Observers say that if forensic-recovery results tie these communications to Deutsche Motors–related trading records, the previously faltering probe could flare back to life.

Mr. Lee’s whereabouts are still unknown, and the special counsel is tracking his post-escape movements and possible hideouts. Political and legal circles view the case as “an inflection point at which the network surrounding the First Lady’s financial dealings comes clearly into view,” and consider Mr. Lee—fingered as a hidden accomplice—to be the key variable that may determine the direction of the investigation.

Friday, October 31, 2025

Even After This, Will You Still Line Up for a Bagel?

Line up in front of a store of London Bagel Museum
 

A shocking story has emerged from one of Korea’s trendiest bakeries, London Bagel Museum (LBM) — a name that once symbolized sophistication, now tainted by allegations of overwork and corporate silence.

A woman in her 20s, identified as Ms. Jeong, who worked at the bakery’s Incheon branch, was found dead in her company dormitory on July 16. The family claims she died from overwork after juggling preparations for a new store opening with regular operations. According to their records, she worked more than 80 hours the week before her death, and for the previous three months had averaged over 60 hours a week.

Instead of mourning, her colleagues say the company urged silence. One co-worker, identified as “A,” told reporters,

“We found out about her death from news articles. The company said it was a car accident. There was no memorial atmosphere at all. We were told to say, ‘Everything’s fine,’ if customers asked about our working conditions.”

A later KakaoTalk message obtained by Rep. Jeong Hye-kyung’s office shows even clearer evidence of a corporate gag order:

“They told us to refuse recordings, to say we’re fine if any fake customers ask, and not to mention anything online.”

A added,

“It was a tough time. Sometimes we couldn’t even go to the restroom, and when it got really busy, we weren’t given meals. Most of us were just starting out, so we thought this was normal and tried to endure it.”


A Culture of Silence

Internal messages obtained from the branch reveal the company’s attempt to suppress the story:

“Please reject all interviews, recordings, and filming requests. Report any incidents directly to your supervisor. Do not post any unverified content on personal SNS. At times like this, our internal unity is crucial.”

In other words, while a young employee’s life was lost, management’s first concern was protecting the brand, not the truth.

When public outrage grew, CEO Kang Gwan-goo issued a belated apology on Instagram, writing:

“We deeply reflect on the pain and disappointment our inadequate response caused to the bereaved family, and sincerely apologize.”

He added that the deceased was a “diligent and responsible employee” and argued that the intense workload was temporary, due to the opening of a new branch. He also stated that “it is not for the company to determine whether the death was caused by overwork.”

This same company, however, had earlier told the grieving family that their request for information was “immoral” and refused to hand over relevant documents.


Government Steps In

Following the scandal, the Ministry of Employment and Labor launched an official investigation into London Bagel Museum.
The ministry stated:

“We will examine not only the deceased’s working hours but also whether other employees suffered similar harm. We will investigate leave and pay practices and take firm action if any labor law violations are found.”

Officials added that the investigation could expand to all LBM locations nationwide if systemic issues appear.


Bread, Branding, and Burnout

The irony couldn’t be starker: a brand that built its fame on handmade warmth and morning comfort now stands accused of treating its young workers like replaceable machines.

Social media still shows long lines outside LBM stores, filled with customers eager to photograph their bagels for Instagram. But one can’t help asking:

Even after this, will you still line up for a bagel?

Behind those glossy pastries lies a tragedy that no amount of cream cheese can cover.

Thursday, October 30, 2025

Korea’s Nuclear Submarine Dream Resurfaces — and Trump Says "Yes!"


President Lee Jae‑myung publicly requested... 

U.S. President Donald Trump announced on October 30—just a day after his summit with South Korea—that he has approved the construction of nuclear-powered submarines for South Korea. During his second day in the country, President Trump wrote via his social-media platform Truth Social: “The U.S.–Korea military alliance is stronger than ever. On that basis, I have approved South Korea to build nuclear-powered submarines, rather than the old-fashioned and less agile diesel-powered ones they currently have.”

He further stated that “South Korea will build these nuclear submarines right here in America, at the Philadelphia shipyard,” adding that “American shipbuilding will soon experience a major comeback.”
Yesterday, South Korean President Lee Jae‑myung publicly requested during the summit that approval be granted so that South Korea may supply the nuclear-fuel for such submarines.


Addressing this, President Lee told an audience at the National Gyeongju Museum on October 29: “There may have been some misunderstanding because I could not give full explanation earlier. We are not intending to build submarines loaded with nuclear weapons. Diesel submarines have limited submerged endurance and thus face constraints in tracking North Korean or Chinese submarines.” He added: “If we are permitted to receive fuel, we can build several submarines—equipped with conventional weapons using our own technology—to defend the waters around the Korean Peninsula, thereby reducing the burden on U.S. forces.”

The Philadelphia shipyard President Trump referenced is owned by South Korea’s Hanwha Group (which acquired it in December of last year). Hanwha announced in August that it would invest approximately USD 5 billion (roughly KRW 7 trillion) into the yard.


Meanwhile, the Ministry of Commerce of the People's Republic of China placed five U.S. subsidiaries of Hanwha Ocean, including the Philadelphia shipyard, on its restricted-transaction list on the 14th of this month—a move interpreted as a signal of Beijing’s resistance to the Korea–U.S. shipbuilding alliance. 
In light of these developments, 

President Trump’s statement that Korea’s nuclear-powered submarines would be constructed in the Philadelphia yard appears to reaffirm the U.S. commitment to deepening Korea–U.S. shipbuilding and defense cooperation—even amidst Chinese pressure.

At the previous day’s summit, Trump did not explicitly discuss the issue of Korea supplying fuel for the nuclear-powered submarines. However, he did note: “You know you are officially in a state of war on the Korean Peninsula, and we will see what we can do to fix all that.”



Why is important to build Nuclear-Powered Submarines to South Korea?

Nuclear-powered submarines (often abbreviated “nuclear subs” or “SSNs”) use nuclear reactors to allow them to remain submerged far longer than diesel-electric submarines. That extended endurance, combined with low acoustic signatures, enables stealth operations and forms the core of modern naval strategic assets. Diesel submarines must surface or snorkel to recharge batteries, which increases vulnerability. Nuclear submarines, by contrast, can stay submerged for weeks or even months at a time—making them far more formidable.


For South Korea to develop and operate nuclear-powered submarines, it would need to secure small-reactor technology and enriched-uranium fuel—both of which depend on revision of the Korea–U.S. nuclear agreement, under which Seoul is currently restricted from nuclear-fuel reprocessing.


Within Korea’s political arena, the idea of acquiring nuclear-powered submarines has long been raised. It featured prominently in election pledges of major candidates. Former President Moon Jae‑in pledged the introduction of such vessels while running for office, and the Moon administration explained the need to Washington in 2020. Seoul sought to secure fuel (low-enriched uranium) from the U.S., but failed to persuade Washington in view of its non-proliferation policy.


Then-candidate Lee Jae-myung in December 2021 declared: “To respond to North Korea’s threat, I will request U.S. support so we can build nuclear-powered submarines.” In an interview with Reuters, South China Morning Post and The Korea Times, he stressed the importance of nuclear-powered submarines for Korea and pledged to secure U.S. diplomatic and technical backing.


North Korea, by contrast, has for years pursued its own nuclear-powered submarine project. In March of this year it claimed to have launched one. There are also reports that Russia may have supplied North Korea with 2-3 submarine modules, which would dramatically accelerate Pyongyang’s underwater nuclear capability and pose serious implications for security in Northeast Asia.


According to Jeong Min-kim of Korea Risk Group, citing North Korea studies professor Kim Dong-yup of Kyungnam University: “North Korean technicians could travel to Russia, study submarine modules, and replicate them here. If that happens, their nuclear-sub program would accelerate dramatically.” 


Currently only six nations operate nuclear-powered submarines: the U.S., China, Russia, the UK, France and India. Australia, under the AUKUS security pact with the U.S. and UK, is set to receive U.S.-supplied nuclear subs. The inclusion of South Korea would mark a significant expansion of that exclusive club.


Final Thoughts : Piece of Cake? No, Golden Cake for Peace!!


Piece of Cake? No, Golden Cake for Peace!!

President Trump’s announcement marks a pivotal shift in the U.S.–South Korea alliance—one that realigns naval, industrial and strategic relationships. While the public message is of allied strength and revitalised shipbuilding, the underlying dynamics pose deeper questions: about nuclear-fuel regulation, regional deterrence, proliferation risks, and the ways that defense-industrial cooperation is reshaping the geopolitics of Northeast Asia.

Tuesday, October 28, 2025

The Itaewon Disaster: The World Is Asking—Foreign Victims’ Families Demand Accountability from the Korean Government

 

Photos: Halloween crowd chaos kills more than 150 in South Korea


Part 1. “We Were Left Alone”: The Voices of Grieving Families Abroad

Nearly three years have passed since the tragic crowd crush in Itaewon claimed the lives of 159 people. Yet for many foreign families who lost their children, siblings, and loved ones that night, time has not moved forward. What remains is not healing—but confusion, anger, and a sense of abandonment. Their grief has been compounded by silence. Their questions—left unanswered. Their pleas—left unheard.

Damira Sherniazova, a woman from Kazakhstan, learned only this year that South Korea had passed a special law related to the disaster back in 2023. No government agency reached out. No letters. No explanation. The only thing that continued was her family’s loneliness. Her younger sister, Madina, had died in a crowd on a narrow road in Itaewon—but the truth about how and why she died never reached her family.

“For nearly three years, I had no information at all,” Damira said. “Especially not from the Korean government. We didn’t even know if anyone was investigating. It was as if my sister had simply disappeared from the world, and no one thought we deserved to know why.”

Her story is not unique.


“We Only Learned Our Daughter Had Died the Next Morning”

Janna Kim from Russia recalls the night her daughter went out with friends. She spent the whole night waiting—calling hospitals again and again. No one told her where her daughter was. No one informed her of her death.

“We waited in fear all night. Eventually we were told, in the morning, that she had died,” she said quietly. “For three years, I have been asking one question: What has the government done? Why has no truth been presented to the families?

For these families, the pain lies not only in their loss—but in the realization that their children died in a country that did not protect them, and after that, did not speak to them.


“She Returned to Us Embalmed. No One Explained Why.”

From Norway, Erik Evensen shared the moment his daughter's body arrived back home, nine days after her death. He was shocked to discover it had been chemically embalmed.

“No one asked our permission. No one explained if this was normal in Korea. They treated her like an object to process—not a human being, not our child,” he said as tears overtook his voice.

Families from Iran echoed the same confusion. They were told embalming was “standard procedure” after ten days—but they had never once been contacted to confirm consent or even informed of their child’s condition during those ten days.


“Why Did We Have to Learn of Their Deaths from the News?”

Many families did not hear from South Korean authorities at all. Some learned of the disaster through television. Others heard from friends. Some found out only when they tried calling their loved ones and received no response.

“Why did we hear from TV news, not from the government of the country where our children died?” asked Mahnaz Moghiminajad from Iran. “Why did no one call us? Why did no one tell us what happened in those final hours?”

What these families are asking for is not kindness, nor charity, nor even apology. They are asking for the most basic obligation of a government to the dead: acknowledgment, truth, and responsibility.


“What Did the Government Do for Three Years?”

The question that echoed throughout the international press conference held in Seoul was not rhetorical—it was a demand.

“It has been almost three years,” one family member said.
“What has the South Korean government done in those three years?
Why are we still waiting for answers? Why is there still no truth?”

As these foreign families stood together in Seoul this week—many of them visiting Korea for the first time since the disaster—they were not just mourning. They were appealing to the conscience of a nation. Not as outsiders, but as parents. As siblings. As human beings.

Their voices are not just testimonies. They are indictments.

They are asking:

If a country cannot guarantee the safety of people within its borders, and if it cannot guarantee the truth when lives are lost—what remains of justice?
And if families of the dead are left to mourn alone, unheard, across oceans—can we truly say the tragedy has ended?


Part 2. “Three Years of Silence”: A Systemic Failure Beyond Borders

At least 153 killed in Halloween crowd crush in South Korea


For domestic families, the Itaewon disaster was a national trauma. For foreign families, it was a trauma compounded by isolation. They were not just grieving—they were cut off. Cut off from information, from process, from the grieving community in Korea, and most painfully—from the feeling that their loved ones' lives mattered.


“It Was As If She Disappeared Into a Bureaucratic Void”

Most foreign families had no direct government contact in the days, months, or even years after the tragedy. Some only learned last month—nearly three years later—that an official investigation had even begun.

“For three years, no one reached out,” said one relative.
“We were left alone with our questions. Our pain became a shadow. We didn’t know if anyone in Korea still remembered what happened.”

Many of them found their way to South Korea not because of official channels—but because volunteers, civil society groups, and other bereaved Korean families helped them. It was not the state that opened the door to truth. It was ordinary people.


A Government That Invited Them—but Did Not Answer Them

The South Korean government invited some of the families to Seoul this week, marking its first official invitation. Yet even during this visit, the families said they were only asked questions, not given answers.

“We attended briefings and hearings,” said a father from Iran. “But every session consisted of us speaking. No one explained what the government has discovered. No one told us what they intend to do.”

Instead of clarity, they were given protocols. Instead of accountability, they were given silence.


“Three Years On: Is This How Accountability Works?”

The families do not merely seek emotional closure. They are raising clear legal and ethical demands:

  • Why was no safety control in place in a known high-risk area?

  • Why was no emergency action taken despite multiple warning calls made before the disaster?

  • Why did the government fail to contact the families directly?

  • And most importantly: Why has no one been held responsible?

“I thought South Korea was a safe country,” said Erik from Norway, his voice trembling. “But how can a safe country let this happen, and then let three years pass without truth or justice?”


“Our Children Deserved Dignity—In Life and in Death”

Much of the outrage lies not only in prevention failures—but in how the deceased were treated after the tragedy.

  • Many foreign families were not informed of their child's whereabouts.

  • Bodies were embalmed without consultation.

  • Diplomatic communication failed.

  • Even visa support for memorial visits was not provided in time.

These families are asking a simple question: If this is how victims' families are treated, what does that say about the value placed on human life?


“We Stand with Korean Families—Our Pain Is One”

Perhaps most powerful in this gathering was not only grief, but solidarity. Despite cultural and geographic distance, foreign families expressed deep connection to Korean families who lost children in the same tragedy.

“Korean families gave us strength when our own governments were far away. It is through them that we felt seen,” said Susanna Roarkbam from Norway.
“We are not foreigners in grief. We are one family in loss, and we stand together in demanding truth.”


The Message to Korea—and to the World

The Itaewon disaster is no longer a Korean domestic issue. It is a global reminder that safety, accountability, and human dignity cannot be bound by nationality. The foreign families who spoke this week did not come to ask for sympathy. They came to demand truth and responsibility.

Their testimony forces us to confront a painful truth:

A tragedy does not end when lives are lost. It ends when truth is known, justice is delivered, and families are no longer left to grieve in darkness.


Part 3. A Test of South Korea’s Global Credibility

The Itaewon disaster is no longer an issue confined within national borders. With victims from 14 countries, it has become an international test of how South Korea handles state responsibility, human rights, and government accountability in the aftermath of national tragedy. What foreign families are now asking is not only why their children died—but what South Korea will do to prove that their lives were not disposable.

Their testimonies reflect a deep wound, but also a profound warning:

A nation that aspires to global leadership must demonstrate global responsibility.


“We Supported Korea in Its Rise—Does Korea Stand With Us in Our Grief?”

Foreign families repeatedly emphasized that they had believed in South Korea. Their children traveled there not as outsiders, but as admirers—students, artists, travelers drawn by Korean culture, music, innovation. Some had dreams of working in Korean companies, contributing their talents to its future.

“My daughter loved Korea,” said a mother from Norway.
“She believed in your country. I am asking you now—does your country believe in her life?”

When there is silence from institutions, it sends a message that foreign lives are secondary. In a global era, that is not simply a moral failure—it is a strategic one.


The Cost of Silence: Diplomatic Trust at Stake

The Itaewon disaster reached foreign parliaments, embassies, and international press. Yet, for nearly three years, the South Korean government did not provide a full account of actions taken, nor a timeline for accountability. This has raised questions in foreign media:

  • If South Korea cannot protect foreign citizens, how can it host international events safely?

  • What are the legal guarantees for global visitors, residents, and students?

  • If disaster strikes again, will foreign families be treated the same way—left searching for answers on their own?

A nation’s reputation is built not only on its cultural exports or economic power, but also on how it treats the most vulnerable when tragedy occurs.


The Moral Imperative: The World Is Watching

South Korea has rightfully earned international respect for its advancements in democracy and human rights. However, the foreign families' testimonies now present a moral mirror.

This is not just about Itaewon.
It is about whether a democratic state acknowledges its failures, listens to its citizens and guests, and acts—not with denial—but with courage.

What the foreign families are asking is not extraordinary. They are not demanding special treatment. They are asking for:

  • Truth.

  • Transparency.

  • Direct communication.

  • Acknowledgment of state responsibility.

  • Institutional reforms so this never happens again.

These are fundamental obligations of any responsible government.


“We Do Not Want Blame—We Want Accountability”

The families made clear that their objective is not to divide, but to heal. True healing, however, cannot come from silence or symbolic gestures. It requires action.

“We are not here to attack Korea,” said one family member. “We are here to remind Korea of its promise—to be a nation that values life.”

Their voices bring the focus back to the central truth:

The Itaewon victims did not die because they took a risk.
They died because the state failed in its duty of care.


Conclusion: A Call to Remember—and to Act

Three years have passed. The grief has not lessened. The questions have only deepened.
But there is still time—not to undo the tragedy—but to define what kind of nation South Korea chooses to be in the face of it.

Will it allow this disaster to fade into bureaucratic history?
Or will it confront it as a turning point—one that reshapes public safety, honors every life lost, and restores trust at home and abroad?

The families, from Korea and around the world, have already made their choice. They continue to speak, to fight, and to remember.

Now, the world is waiting for South Korea’s answer.


‘SONNY SPURS LEGEND’: Tottenham Unveils Massive Mural Ahead of Son Heung-min’s Goodbye

releasing images of the large Son Heung-min mural in London. The large mural of “legend” Son Heung-min (33, Los Angeles FC) that awaits him ...